← Voltar para a lista de provas Instituto Tecnológico de Aeronáutica (ITA) · Vestibular 2023 — 1ª Fase (Física, Português, Inglês, Matemática e Química) 60 questões nesta prova · página 2 de 3 · 58 com gabarito Gabarito disponível Os versos, junto ao título, expressam ironia diante da condição humana. 'Cantiga de enganar' sugere um canto que ilude. Os versos propõem 'sejamos como se fôramos / num mundo que fosse: o Mundo', um faz de conta que ironiza a precariedade e a ilusão da condição humana. A: os versos não 'confirmam sem sombra de dúvidas' que a lucidez é impossível nem que a realidade enlouquece. C: não há indiferença do eu lírico; há ironia e tom de convite ao parceiro. D: os versos reconhecem o abandono ('ou assim abandonados'), não o negam. E: não há busca de riqueza material nem carpe diem material. Referência: Carlos Drummond de Andrade, 'Cantiga de enganar'. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível A linguagem de Os ratos animaliza e rebaixa o humano. O trecho em que os colegas 'se esgueiram, que se somem com pés de ratos' compara pessoas a ratos, o que mostra animalização e rebaixamento do humano. Esse recurso se liga ao título e ao tema da miséria do protagonista. A: o exemplo ('focinho sereno') mostra justamente a aproximação entre humano e animal, não uma separação rígida. B: a citação a 'comunismo e integralismo' indica diálogo com o contexto histórico e ideológico, e a alternativa não sustenta que a intertextualidade esteja ausente. C: não há santificação das personagens, e o trecho apenas mostra Naziazeno pensando no patrão. D: os ratos não são alegoria de retorno à natureza ou reconciliação; o trecho citado fala de pobreza e amargura. Referência: Dyonélio Machado, Os ratos. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Contos novos aborda criticamente temas controversos como exploração do trabalho e sexualidade. Os contos de Mário de Andrade tratam com olhar crítico das relações de trabalho e exploração, da homossexualidade e da sexualidade feminina, entre outros temas tabus. Por isso a alternativa A é a correta. B: há forte perspectiva crítica sobre amor, trabalho, família, amizade e sexo. C: o livro é urbano, não bucólico, e nada tem de ingênuo. D: a linguagem não é estritamente culta; ela incorpora oralidade e a fala brasileira. E: o livro incorpora coloquialismos e a sintaxe brasileira, marca do projeto modernista do autor. Referência: Mário de Andrade, Contos novos. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Em 'Na praça de convites' o cotidiano é tratado de forma inquieta e inconformada, não banal. Nessa seção Drummond parte do cotidiano e das questões sociais e políticas do tempo, e capta a realidade pela inquietação e pela revolta do eu lírico. Os versos de 'Nosso tempo' ('Mas eu não sou as coisas e me revolto') ilustram isso. A: o tom não é leve e alegre, e 'Anúncio da rosa' é irônico. B: 'Elegia 1938' expressa desencanto e derrota, não crença no progresso. D: o poema não se baseia no naturalismo científico, e 'O elefante' é lírico e simbólico. E: não se trata de nacionalismo ingênuo ou panfletário; 'Coração numeroso' é lírico e existencial. Referência: Carlos Drummond de Andrade, Antologia Poética, seção 'Na praça de convites'. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Os benefícios do Estado reconhecido são numerosos e vistos como garantidos. O 3º parágrafo diz que 'the benefits of recognised statehood are numerous and often taken for granted', o que corresponde à alternativa A. B: o texto não fala em vantagens reduzidas. C: o texto diz que o Estado reconhecido tem voz na ONU, não que sua representação seja limitada. D: o texto menciona acesso a financiamento internacional (Banco Mundial, FMI), mas não crédito 'irrestrito'. E: o texto diz que a luta dos Estados não reconhecidos 'remains widely unknown', o contrário de amplamente divulgada. Referência: Texto-base (UNPO), 3º parágrafo. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Passaportes de Estados não reconhecidos não são válidos para entrada em outros países. O texto diz que, como a nacionalidade de facto não é reconhecida, os passaportes emitidos localmente 'não são considerados válidos para viagem ou entrada em outro país'. A questão pede o que NÃO é correto, e é isso que a alternativa D contraria. A: correta, o texto diz que a nacionalidade de facto não é reconhecida. B: correta, o texto fala em receber passaporte de país vizinho (ou viajar aos poucos países que os reconhecem). C: correta, 'some people ... are entitled to other citizenships'. D: incorreta, pois afirma validade universal, o oposto do texto. E: correta, o texto cita 'the few countries that do recognise them'. Referência: Texto-base (UNPO), 4º parágrafo. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível 'Although' introduz ideia de contraste/concessão. 'Although different, these peoples seem to have one common goal' opõe a diferença entre os povos ao objetivo comum. Esse é o valor de contraste (concessão). A (dessemelhança) descreve só o 'different', não a relação entre as orações. B (alternância) e E (decorrência) não correspondem ao sentido. C (similaridade) é o oposto do que o conectivo expressa. Referência: Conectivos concessivos em inglês. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível 'Whereas' tem valor de contraste e equivale a 'while'. Em 'Some have de facto statehood, whereas others are distinct peoples...', 'whereas' contrasta dois grupos. 'While' tem esse mesmo sentido de contraste ('enquanto'). A (meanwhile) indica simultaneidade entre fatos e não liga duas orações dessa forma. C (wheresoever) significa 'onde quer que'. D (thereby) significa 'por meio disso'. E (henceforth) significa 'daqui em diante'. Referência: Conectivos de contraste em inglês. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível 'Allegiance' significa lealdade, o mesmo que 'loyalty'. 'In exchange for their allegiance' quer dizer em troca de sua lealdade. O sinônimo é 'loyalty'. A (allegation) é acusação. C (alienation) é alienação ou afastamento. D (unfaithfulness) é o oposto de lealdade. E (animosity) é hostilidade. Referência: Vocabulário em inglês: sinônimos. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível O 'do' antes do verbo principal em afirmativa é auxiliar enfático. Em 'the few countries that do recognise them', o 'do' não é necessário gramaticalmente e serve para reforçar a afirmação: são os poucos países que de fato reconhecem esses Estados. A, B, C e D estão erradas: 'do' aqui não indica dúvida, equivalência, detalhamento nem exemplificação. Só reforça o verbo. Referência: Gramática inglesa: auxiliar 'do' enfático. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Os enredos do século XX são os de News of a Kidnapping (anos 80/90) e The Feast of the Goat (Trujillo, 1930–1961). News of a Kidnapping trata de Escobar no fim dos anos 1980 e início dos 1990. The Feast of the Goat trata da ditadura de Trujillo, de 1930 a 1961. Ambos se passam no século XX. Conquistadores trata da conquista espanhola (séculos XV–XVI). Beef, Bible and Bullets trata da eleição de 2018, no século XXI. A, B, C e E incluem Conquistadores (século XV–XVI) ou Beef, Bible and Bullets (século XXI), que não são do século XX. Referência: Interpretação de texto em inglês. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Cervantes atribui o comportamento dos conquistadores à cultura religiosa medieval tardia. O texto diz que o comportamento de Cortés e dos demais foi alimentado por uma cultura religiosa do fim da Idade Média, e não só pelo ouro nem por noções modernas de Estado. Isso corresponde a apontar a cultura religiosa como motivação principal. A está errada porque o livro é um relato histórico baseado em cartas e diários, não um romance. C não consta do texto. D está errada porque o autor julga pelos valores da época, mas não os desculpa. E está errada porque o texto não diz que Cortés 'civilizou' o Caribe, o México e o Peru. Referência: Interpretação de texto em inglês. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Gabarito disponível 'Even so' marca concessão: eram disruptores apesar de pertencerem à aristocracia. O parágrafo mostra as contradições dos modernistas: filhos da aristocracia cafeeira e próximos da oligarquia política. 'Even so, they were disrupters' significa que, apesar disso, eram disruptores. A e C falam de local e industrialização, que não são a contradição apontada. D inverte a lógica, pois o fundo social não explica por que seriam revolucionários. E não aparece como contraste no texto. Referência: Conectivos de concessão; interpretação de texto. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível O 3º parágrafo explica a ideia central do Manifesto Antropófago. O parágrafo diz que o Manifesto buscava resolver o dilema de ser artista moderno brasileiro com um modernismo importado, e resume a resposta: não reproduzir modelos, mas digeri-los e transformá-los em algo próprio. A está errada porque cita só dois nomes e não nomeia os participantes principais. B exagera: o texto fala em incluir identidades negras e indígenas, não em artistas que contribuíram. C contradiz a ideia de transformar a influência europeia. E trata de dependência política, tema do 4º parágrafo. Referência: Interpretação de texto em inglês. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível 'That' retoma a ideia da frase imediatamente anterior. Em 'It was cultural nationalism, but of an open-minded, cosmopolitan and non-xenophobic kind. That was important.', o pronome 'that' se refere ao fato de o nacionalismo cultural ser aberto, cosmopolita e não xenófobo, ou seja, à frase anterior. A e B tratam do Manifesto e da 'resposta', que ficam no parágrafo anterior. D e E vêm depois de 'That was important' e não podem ser retomadas por ele. Referência: Referência pronominal (coesão textual). Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Com d = det A, reduzir a equação a uma quadrática em x³ e impor discriminante nulo. Para matrizes 3×3: det(∛2·x²A) = (∛2)³·x⁶·d = 2x⁶d, det(xA³) = x³d³ e det A² = d². A equação fica 2dx⁶ + d³x³ − d² = 0, e para d ≠ 0 vira 2u² + d²u − d = 0 com u = x³. Como x é único, u também é, então o discriminante é nulo: d⁴ + 8d = 0, que dá d = −2. Então u = −d²/4 = −1, x = −1 e x + det A = −3. Os demais valores não satisfazem a condição de solução única com d = −2 e x = −1. Se d = 0, todo x seria solução, contrariando a unicidade. Referência: Determinantes: det(kA) = kⁿ·det A, det(Aᵏ) = (det A)ᵏ. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Calcular as primeiras iteradas para achar o padrão: a partir de n = 3, ímpares dão −i. f¹(0) = i; f²(0) = i² + i = −1 + i; f³(0) = (−1 + i)² + i = −2i + i = −i; f⁴(0) = (−i)² + i = −1 + i. A sequência alterna entre −1 + i (n par) e −i (n ímpar ≥ 3). Como 2023 é ímpar, f²⁰²³(0) = −i. D (i) é só o primeiro termo. B (i − 1) é o valor para n par. A e C não aparecem na sequência. Referência: Números complexos: iteração de funções e periodicidade. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Só a afirmação II é sempre verdadeira. I é falsa: um losango tem lados iguais, é convexo e não é regular. II é verdadeira: a soma dos ângulos do hexágono é 720°, e numa PA a1 + a6 = a2 + a5 = a3 + a4, então cada par soma 720°/3 = 240°. III é falsa: com 100 lados a soma é 98·180° = 17640°, o que dá a1 = 126,9° e o maior ângulo 126,9° + 99° = 225,9° > 180°, e isso viola a convexidade. A e D estão erradas por incluírem I ou III, ambas falsas. C está errada porque III é falsa. E está errada porque II é verdadeira. Referência: Polígonos convexos: soma dos ângulos internos e progressão aritmética. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos. Gabarito disponível Usar Girard: soma dos inversos = (soma dos produtos dois a dois)/(produto das raízes). Em 30x³ − 113x² + 108x − 30, a soma dos produtos dois a dois é 108/30 e o produto das raízes é 30/30 = 1. Então 1/a₁ + 1/a₂ + 1/a₃ = (108/30)/1 = 18/5. A média harmônica é H = 3/(18/5) = 5/6. As outras alternativas vêm de erros nas relações de Girard ou da inversão da fração. Só a soma dos inversos 18/5 leva a 5/6. Referência: Relações de Girard; média harmônica. Resolução comentada do VaiConcursos.ITA — Vestibular 2023 — 1ª Fase — Física, Português, Inglês, Matemática e Química
Meu bem, assim acordados,
assim lúcidos, severos,
ou assim abandonados,
deixando-nos à deriva
levar na palma do tempo
— mas o tempo não existe —,
sejamos como se fôramos
num mundo que fosse: o Mundo.Resolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Resolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Resolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Resolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 25 a 30.
Since the early 1990s, an interesting phenomenon has emerged in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus – some states that, despite having their own government and state apparatus, lack international recognition. Even today, the struggle of these unrecognised states remains widely unknown. While these states have been the focus of much academic study, their very existence is often neglected by both the international community and societies in the West. In parallel, there exist in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus distinct peoples who have neither acquired recognised statehood nor any significant representation within their own countries – they are the so-called unrepresented peoples.
Today, the territory of the former Soviet Union in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus is somewhat unique for its relatively high concentration of unrecognised states and unrepresented peoples. Each of them has varying degrees of independence and autonomy. Some have de facto statehood, whereas others are distinct peoples with little to no representation or territorial autonomy. Although different, these peoples seem to have one common goal – self-determination.
The benefits of recognised statehood are numerous and often taken for granted – countries have access to various forms of international funding, for example from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF); their citizens can travel, assured that their passports will be accepted in another country; and they have a voice at international forums like the United Nations (UN), which can be an opportunity to influence international outcomes in their favour. Unrecognised states, on the other hand, are isolated internationally and can be forced to rely upon a patron state which offers them all kinds of help in exchange for their allegiance. This dependency on a patron-client relationship can lead to the client state being used as a political tool by its patron.
One key issue facing most unrecognised states is the restriction on movement imposed on their people. Because their de facto nationality is not recognised internationally, their locally-issued passports or travel documents are not considered valid for travel or entry into another country. The only way for them to travel abroad is to receive a passport from a neighbouring country, or to travel to the few countries that do recognise them. It happens that some people living in de facto states are entitled to other citizenships.
In addition to unrecognised states, there also exists a number of unrepresented peoples – that is, distinct ethnic and linguistic groups that enjoy little or no representation both internationally and domestically. These peoples struggle even more for self-determination since they do not have their own autonomous territory. They find themselves even more vulnerable and are often at best ignored, or worse persecuted.
Fonte: What does it mean to be unrecognised and unrepresented? https://unpo.org/article/21947. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 07/08/2022.
De acordo com o texto, é correto afirmar queResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 25 a 30.
Since the early 1990s, an interesting phenomenon has emerged in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus – some states that, despite having their own government and state apparatus, lack international recognition. Even today, the struggle of these unrecognised states remains widely unknown. While these states have been the focus of much academic study, their very existence is often neglected by both the international community and societies in the West. In parallel, there exist in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus distinct peoples who have neither acquired recognised statehood nor any significant representation within their own countries – they are the so-called unrepresented peoples.
Today, the territory of the former Soviet Union in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus is somewhat unique for its relatively high concentration of unrecognised states and unrepresented peoples. Each of them has varying degrees of independence and autonomy. Some have de facto statehood, whereas others are distinct peoples with little to no representation or territorial autonomy. Although different, these peoples seem to have one common goal – self-determination.
The benefits of recognised statehood are numerous and often taken for granted – countries have access to various forms of international funding, for example from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF); their citizens can travel, assured that their passports will be accepted in another country; and they have a voice at international forums like the United Nations (UN), which can be an opportunity to influence international outcomes in their favour. Unrecognised states, on the other hand, are isolated internationally and can be forced to rely upon a patron state which offers them all kinds of help in exchange for their allegiance. This dependency on a patron-client relationship can lead to the client state being used as a political tool by its patron.
One key issue facing most unrecognised states is the restriction on movement imposed on their people. Because their de facto nationality is not recognised internationally, their locally-issued passports or travel documents are not considered valid for travel or entry into another country. The only way for them to travel abroad is to receive a passport from a neighbouring country, or to travel to the few countries that do recognise them. It happens that some people living in de facto states are entitled to other citizenships.
In addition to unrecognised states, there also exists a number of unrepresented peoples – that is, distinct ethnic and linguistic groups that enjoy little or no representation both internationally and domestically. These peoples struggle even more for self-determination since they do not have their own autonomous territory. They find themselves even more vulnerable and are often at best ignored, or worse persecuted.
Fonte: What does it mean to be unrecognised and unrepresented? https://unpo.org/article/21947. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 07/08/2022.
A respeito das populações de Estados não reconhecidos, não é correto afirmar queResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 25 a 30.
Since the early 1990s, an interesting phenomenon has emerged in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus – some states that, despite having their own government and state apparatus, lack international recognition. Even today, the struggle of these unrecognised states remains widely unknown. While these states have been the focus of much academic study, their very existence is often neglected by both the international community and societies in the West. In parallel, there exist in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus distinct peoples who have neither acquired recognised statehood nor any significant representation within their own countries – they are the so-called unrepresented peoples.
Today, the territory of the former Soviet Union in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus is somewhat unique for its relatively high concentration of unrecognised states and unrepresented peoples. Each of them has varying degrees of independence and autonomy. Some have de facto statehood, whereas others are distinct peoples with little to no representation or territorial autonomy. Although different, these peoples seem to have one common goal – self-determination.
The benefits of recognised statehood are numerous and often taken for granted – countries have access to various forms of international funding, for example from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF); their citizens can travel, assured that their passports will be accepted in another country; and they have a voice at international forums like the United Nations (UN), which can be an opportunity to influence international outcomes in their favour. Unrecognised states, on the other hand, are isolated internationally and can be forced to rely upon a patron state which offers them all kinds of help in exchange for their allegiance. This dependency on a patron-client relationship can lead to the client state being used as a political tool by its patron.
One key issue facing most unrecognised states is the restriction on movement imposed on their people. Because their de facto nationality is not recognised internationally, their locally-issued passports or travel documents are not considered valid for travel or entry into another country. The only way for them to travel abroad is to receive a passport from a neighbouring country, or to travel to the few countries that do recognise them. It happens that some people living in de facto states are entitled to other citizenships.
In addition to unrecognised states, there also exists a number of unrepresented peoples – that is, distinct ethnic and linguistic groups that enjoy little or no representation both internationally and domestically. These peoples struggle even more for self-determination since they do not have their own autonomous territory. They find themselves even more vulnerable and are often at best ignored, or worse persecuted.
Fonte: What does it mean to be unrecognised and unrepresented? https://unpo.org/article/21947. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 07/08/2022.
O termo “Although”, destacado em itálico sublinhado no excerto do segundo parágrafo: “Although different, these peoples seem to have one common goal”, expressa ideia deResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 25 a 30.
Since the early 1990s, an interesting phenomenon has emerged in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus – some states that, despite having their own government and state apparatus, lack international recognition. Even today, the struggle of these unrecognised states remains widely unknown. While these states have been the focus of much academic study, their very existence is often neglected by both the international community and societies in the West. In parallel, there exist in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus distinct peoples who have neither acquired recognised statehood nor any significant representation within their own countries – they are the so-called unrepresented peoples.
Today, the territory of the former Soviet Union in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus is somewhat unique for its relatively high concentration of unrecognised states and unrepresented peoples. Each of them has varying degrees of independence and autonomy. Some have de facto statehood, whereas others are distinct peoples with little to no representation or territorial autonomy. Although different, these peoples seem to have one common goal – self-determination.
The benefits of recognised statehood are numerous and often taken for granted – countries have access to various forms of international funding, for example from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF); their citizens can travel, assured that their passports will be accepted in another country; and they have a voice at international forums like the United Nations (UN), which can be an opportunity to influence international outcomes in their favour. Unrecognised states, on the other hand, are isolated internationally and can be forced to rely upon a patron state which offers them all kinds of help in exchange for their allegiance. This dependency on a patron-client relationship can lead to the client state being used as a political tool by its patron.
One key issue facing most unrecognised states is the restriction on movement imposed on their people. Because their de facto nationality is not recognised internationally, their locally-issued passports or travel documents are not considered valid for travel or entry into another country. The only way for them to travel abroad is to receive a passport from a neighbouring country, or to travel to the few countries that do recognise them. It happens that some people living in de facto states are entitled to other citizenships.
In addition to unrecognised states, there also exists a number of unrepresented peoples – that is, distinct ethnic and linguistic groups that enjoy little or no representation both internationally and domestically. These peoples struggle even more for self-determination since they do not have their own autonomous territory. They find themselves even more vulnerable and are often at best ignored, or worse persecuted.
Fonte: What does it mean to be unrecognised and unrepresented? https://unpo.org/article/21947. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 07/08/2022.
O termo “whereas”, destacado em itálico sublinhado no excerto do segundo parágrafo: “whereas others are distinct peoples”, pode ser substituído, sem prejuízo de sentido, porResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 25 a 30.
Since the early 1990s, an interesting phenomenon has emerged in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus – some states that, despite having their own government and state apparatus, lack international recognition. Even today, the struggle of these unrecognised states remains widely unknown. While these states have been the focus of much academic study, their very existence is often neglected by both the international community and societies in the West. In parallel, there exist in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus distinct peoples who have neither acquired recognised statehood nor any significant representation within their own countries – they are the so-called unrepresented peoples.
Today, the territory of the former Soviet Union in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus is somewhat unique for its relatively high concentration of unrecognised states and unrepresented peoples. Each of them has varying degrees of independence and autonomy. Some have de facto statehood, whereas others are distinct peoples with little to no representation or territorial autonomy. Although different, these peoples seem to have one common goal – self-determination.
The benefits of recognised statehood are numerous and often taken for granted – countries have access to various forms of international funding, for example from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF); their citizens can travel, assured that their passports will be accepted in another country; and they have a voice at international forums like the United Nations (UN), which can be an opportunity to influence international outcomes in their favour. Unrecognised states, on the other hand, are isolated internationally and can be forced to rely upon a patron state which offers them all kinds of help in exchange for their allegiance. This dependency on a patron-client relationship can lead to the client state being used as a political tool by its patron.
One key issue facing most unrecognised states is the restriction on movement imposed on their people. Because their de facto nationality is not recognised internationally, their locally-issued passports or travel documents are not considered valid for travel or entry into another country. The only way for them to travel abroad is to receive a passport from a neighbouring country, or to travel to the few countries that do recognise them. It happens that some people living in de facto states are entitled to other citizenships.
In addition to unrecognised states, there also exists a number of unrepresented peoples – that is, distinct ethnic and linguistic groups that enjoy little or no representation both internationally and domestically. These peoples struggle even more for self-determination since they do not have their own autonomous territory. They find themselves even more vulnerable and are often at best ignored, or worse persecuted.
Fonte: What does it mean to be unrecognised and unrepresented? https://unpo.org/article/21947. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 07/08/2022.
O termo “allegiance”, destacado em itálico sublinhado no excerto do terceiro parágrafo: “in exchange for their allegiance”, pode ser substituído, sem alteração de sentido, porResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 25 a 30.
Since the early 1990s, an interesting phenomenon has emerged in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus – some states that, despite having their own government and state apparatus, lack international recognition. Even today, the struggle of these unrecognised states remains widely unknown. While these states have been the focus of much academic study, their very existence is often neglected by both the international community and societies in the West. In parallel, there exist in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus distinct peoples who have neither acquired recognised statehood nor any significant representation within their own countries – they are the so-called unrepresented peoples.
Today, the territory of the former Soviet Union in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus is somewhat unique for its relatively high concentration of unrecognised states and unrepresented peoples. Each of them has varying degrees of independence and autonomy. Some have de facto statehood, whereas others are distinct peoples with little to no representation or territorial autonomy. Although different, these peoples seem to have one common goal – self-determination.
The benefits of recognised statehood are numerous and often taken for granted – countries have access to various forms of international funding, for example from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF); their citizens can travel, assured that their passports will be accepted in another country; and they have a voice at international forums like the United Nations (UN), which can be an opportunity to influence international outcomes in their favour. Unrecognised states, on the other hand, are isolated internationally and can be forced to rely upon a patron state which offers them all kinds of help in exchange for their allegiance. This dependency on a patron-client relationship can lead to the client state being used as a political tool by its patron.
One key issue facing most unrecognised states is the restriction on movement imposed on their people. Because their de facto nationality is not recognised internationally, their locally-issued passports or travel documents are not considered valid for travel or entry into another country. The only way for them to travel abroad is to receive a passport from a neighbouring country, or to travel to the few countries that do recognise them. It happens that some people living in de facto states are entitled to other citizenships.
In addition to unrecognised states, there also exists a number of unrepresented peoples – that is, distinct ethnic and linguistic groups that enjoy little or no representation both internationally and domestically. These peoples struggle even more for self-determination since they do not have their own autonomous territory. They find themselves even more vulnerable and are often at best ignored, or worse persecuted.
Fonte: What does it mean to be unrecognised and unrepresented? https://unpo.org/article/21947. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 07/08/2022.
O termo “do”, destacado em itálico sublinhado no excerto do quarto parágrafo: “the few countries that do recognise them”, expressaResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 31 a 33
Conquistadores. By Fernando Cervantes. Viking; 512 pages; $35. Penguin, £12.99. A balanced retelling of the Spanish conquest of the Caribbean, Mexico and Peru, which draws heavily on the letters and diaries of those involved. The author chronicles the brutality of the invaders but seeks to judge them by the values of their own times. The behaviour of Hernán Cortés and the rest was nurtured by a late-medieval religious culture, not purely by the lure of gold and still less by modern notions of statehood, he argues.
News of a Kidnapping. By Gabriel García Márquez. Translated by Edith Grossman. Vintage; 304 pages; $17. Penguin; £8.99. An unsurpassed journalistic account by Colombia’s most famous novelist of the horror inflicted by Pablo Escobar, the murderous drug-trafficker from Medellín, in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It focuses on the kidnapping of Diana Turbay, a journalist and daughter of a former president, tracing the agonising choices of officials torn between national interest and personal ties.
The Feast of the Goat. By Mario Vargas Llosa. Translated by Edith Grossman. Picador; 416 pages; $20. Faber & Faber; £8.99. Peru’s Nobel-prizewinning novelist is at his psychologically probing best in this fictionalised account of the moral corruption and political repression of the dictatorship of Rafael Leónidas Trujillo, the self-styled Generalissimo who ruled the Dominican Republic from 1930 until his assassination in 1961.
Beef, Bible and Bullets. By Richard Lapper. Manchester University Press; 272 pages; $29.95 and £11.99. A readable account of how Jair Bolsonaro won Brazil’s presidency in the election of 2018 through a culture war that forged an ad hoc coalition of farmers, evangelical Protestants and the security forces.
Fonte: Our correspondents recommend the best books on their beats – Latin America. In: www.economist.com/culture/2022/07/14/our-correspondents-recommend-the-best-books-on-their-beats. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 14/07/2022.
De acordo com o texto, dentre as obras recomendadas sobre a América Latina, assinale a alternativa que apresenta os títulos cujos enredos ocorreram no século XX.Resolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 31 a 33
Conquistadores. By Fernando Cervantes. Viking; 512 pages; $35. Penguin, £12.99. A balanced retelling of the Spanish conquest of the Caribbean, Mexico and Peru, which draws heavily on the letters and diaries of those involved. The author chronicles the brutality of the invaders but seeks to judge them by the values of their own times. The behaviour of Hernán Cortés and the rest was nurtured by a late-medieval religious culture, not purely by the lure of gold and still less by modern notions of statehood, he argues.
News of a Kidnapping. By Gabriel García Márquez. Translated by Edith Grossman. Vintage; 304 pages; $17. Penguin; £8.99. An unsurpassed journalistic account by Colombia’s most famous novelist of the horror inflicted by Pablo Escobar, the murderous drug-trafficker from Medellín, in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It focuses on the kidnapping of Diana Turbay, a journalist and daughter of a former president, tracing the agonising choices of officials torn between national interest and personal ties.
The Feast of the Goat. By Mario Vargas Llosa. Translated by Edith Grossman. Picador; 416 pages; $20. Faber & Faber; £8.99. Peru’s Nobel-prizewinning novelist is at his psychologically probing best in this fictionalised account of the moral corruption and political repression of the dictatorship of Rafael Leónidas Trujillo, the self-styled Generalissimo who ruled the Dominican Republic from 1930 until his assassination in 1961.
Beef, Bible and Bullets. By Richard Lapper. Manchester University Press; 272 pages; $29.95 and £11.99. A readable account of how Jair Bolsonaro won Brazil’s presidency in the election of 2018 through a culture war that forged an ad hoc coalition of farmers, evangelical Protestants and the security forces.
Fonte: Our correspondents recommend the best books on their beats – Latin America. In: www.economist.com/culture/2022/07/14/our-correspondents-recommend-the-best-books-on-their-beats. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 14/07/2022.
According to the text, Fernando Cervantes, the author of Conquistadores,Resolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 31 a 33
Conquistadores. By Fernando Cervantes. Viking; 512 pages; $35. Penguin, £12.99. A balanced retelling of the Spanish conquest of the Caribbean, Mexico and Peru, which draws heavily on the letters and diaries of those involved. The author chronicles the brutality of the invaders but seeks to judge them by the values of their own times. The behaviour of Hernán Cortés and the rest was nurtured by a late-medieval religious culture, not purely by the lure of gold and still less by modern notions of statehood, he argues.
News of a Kidnapping. By Gabriel García Márquez. Translated by Edith Grossman. Vintage; 304 pages; $17. Penguin; £8.99. An unsurpassed journalistic account by Colombia’s most famous novelist of the horror inflicted by Pablo Escobar, the murderous drug-trafficker from Medellín, in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It focuses on the kidnapping of Diana Turbay, a journalist and daughter of a former president, tracing the agonising choices of officials torn between national interest and personal ties.
The Feast of the Goat. By Mario Vargas Llosa. Translated by Edith Grossman. Picador; 416 pages; $20. Faber & Faber; £8.99. Peru’s Nobel-prizewinning novelist is at his psychologically probing best in this fictionalised account of the moral corruption and political repression of the dictatorship of Rafael Leónidas Trujillo, the self-styled Generalissimo who ruled the Dominican Republic from 1930 until his assassination in 1961.
Beef, Bible and Bullets. By Richard Lapper. Manchester University Press; 272 pages; $29.95 and £11.99. A readable account of how Jair Bolsonaro won Brazil’s presidency in the election of 2018 through a culture war that forged an ad hoc coalition of farmers, evangelical Protestants and the security forces.
Fonte: Our correspondents recommend the best books on their beats – Latin America. In: www.economist.com/culture/2022/07/14/our-correspondents-recommend-the-best-books-on-their-beats. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 14/07/2022.
In the excerpt from the text “the dictatorship of Rafael Leónidas Trujillo, the self-styled Generalissimo who ruled the Dominican Republic”, the underlined expression means that he
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 34 a 36.
A hundred years ago this weekend, a group of young artists and writers organised what they called the Modern Art Week in the new and grandiose municipal theatre in São Paulo. In fact, it lasted only for three evenings. It included a show of modernist painting, lectures, poetry recitals and music by Heitor Villa-Lobos, who was to become Brazil’s best-known composer. It has since come to be seen as the founding moment of modern Brazilian artistic culture. Its centenary has brought both commemoration and some criticism.
The event took place in São Paulo, then a fast-industrialising frontier city that was starting to rival Rio de Janeiro, the capital at the time, where the staid cultural establishment was based. The Brazilian modernists had their contradictions. The would-be revolutionaries were also dandies, the scions of the coffee-growing aristocracy, and they were close to the political oligarchy that ran São Paulo and Brazil. Even so, they were disrupters.
The week “was a declaration of cultural independence, that we are not simply a clumsy copy of something else”, says Eduardo Giannetti, a Brazilian philosopher. The modernists’ aims were later formalised in a Manifesto Antropófago (Cannibal Manifesto), written by one of the poets, Oswald de Andrade. This sought to address the dilemma of how to be a Brazilian modern artist when modernism was a European import. The answer: “Absorption of the sacred enemy. To transform him into a totem.” In other words, Brazilians would not simply reproduce other models but digest them and turn them into something that was their own. The group embraced a national identity that, at least in theory, included black and indigenous Brazilians and their beliefs, and tropical fauna and flora.
It was cultural nationalism, but of an open-minded, cosmopolitan and non-xenophobic kind. That was important. Across Latin America, modernist writers and artists were forging new national identities. As the innovative 1920s degenerated into the ideological conflicts of the 1930s, some would embrace communism and others creole fascism in its many variants. The Brazilian modernists would radicalise politically and be co-opted, too, by Getúlio Vargas, Brazil’s nation-builder, who ruled for much of 1930 to 1954, by turns an autocrat and a democrat.
Fonte: How the “Cannibal Manifesto” changed Brazil (Updated Feb 20th 2022). In: www.economist.com/the-americas/2022/02/12/how-the-cannibal-manifesto-changed-brazil. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 20/08/2022.
In the second paragraph, the sentence “Even so, they were disrupters” means that they were disrupters althoughResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 34 a 36.
A hundred years ago this weekend, a group of young artists and writers organised what they called the Modern Art Week in the new and grandiose municipal theatre in São Paulo. In fact, it lasted only for three evenings. It included a show of modernist painting, lectures, poetry recitals and music by Heitor Villa-Lobos, who was to become Brazil’s best-known composer. It has since come to be seen as the founding moment of modern Brazilian artistic culture. Its centenary has brought both commemoration and some criticism.
The event took place in São Paulo, then a fast-industrialising frontier city that was starting to rival Rio de Janeiro, the capital at the time, where the staid cultural establishment was based. The Brazilian modernists had their contradictions. The would-be revolutionaries were also dandies, the scions of the coffee-growing aristocracy, and they were close to the political oligarchy that ran São Paulo and Brazil. Even so, they were disrupters.
The week “was a declaration of cultural independence, that we are not simply a clumsy copy of something else”, says Eduardo Giannetti, a Brazilian philosopher. The modernists’ aims were later formalised in a Manifesto Antropófago (Cannibal Manifesto), written by one of the poets, Oswald de Andrade. This sought to address the dilemma of how to be a Brazilian modern artist when modernism was a European import. The answer: “Absorption of the sacred enemy. To transform him into a totem.” In other words, Brazilians would not simply reproduce other models but digest them and turn them into something that was their own. The group embraced a national identity that, at least in theory, included black and indigenous Brazilians and their beliefs, and tropical fauna and flora.
It was cultural nationalism, but of an open-minded, cosmopolitan and non-xenophobic kind. That was important. Across Latin America, modernist writers and artists were forging new national identities. As the innovative 1920s degenerated into the ideological conflicts of the 1930s, some would embrace communism and others creole fascism in its many variants. The Brazilian modernists would radicalise politically and be co-opted, too, by Getúlio Vargas, Brazil’s nation-builder, who ruled for much of 1930 to 1954, by turns an autocrat and a democrat.
Fonte: How the “Cannibal Manifesto” changed Brazil (Updated Feb 20th 2022). In: www.economist.com/the-americas/2022/02/12/how-the-cannibal-manifesto-changed-brazil. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 20/08/2022.
The third paragraph of the textResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente o texto a seguir para responder às questões de 34 a 36.
A hundred years ago this weekend, a group of young artists and writers organised what they called the Modern Art Week in the new and grandiose municipal theatre in São Paulo. In fact, it lasted only for three evenings. It included a show of modernist painting, lectures, poetry recitals and music by Heitor Villa-Lobos, who was to become Brazil’s best-known composer. It has since come to be seen as the founding moment of modern Brazilian artistic culture. Its centenary has brought both commemoration and some criticism.
The event took place in São Paulo, then a fast-industrialising frontier city that was starting to rival Rio de Janeiro, the capital at the time, where the staid cultural establishment was based. The Brazilian modernists had their contradictions. The would-be revolutionaries were also dandies, the scions of the coffee-growing aristocracy, and they were close to the political oligarchy that ran São Paulo and Brazil. Even so, they were disrupters.
The week “was a declaration of cultural independence, that we are not simply a clumsy copy of something else”, says Eduardo Giannetti, a Brazilian philosopher. The modernists’ aims were later formalised in a Manifesto Antropófago (Cannibal Manifesto), written by one of the poets, Oswald de Andrade. This sought to address the dilemma of how to be a Brazilian modern artist when modernism was a European import. The answer: “Absorption of the sacred enemy. To transform him into a totem.” In other words, Brazilians would not simply reproduce other models but digest them and turn them into something that was their own. The group embraced a national identity that, at least in theory, included black and indigenous Brazilians and their beliefs, and tropical fauna and flora.
It was cultural nationalism, but of an open-minded, cosmopolitan and non-xenophobic kind. That was important. Across Latin America, modernist writers and artists were forging new national identities. As the innovative 1920s degenerated into the ideological conflicts of the 1930s, some would embrace communism and others creole fascism in its many variants. The Brazilian modernists would radicalise politically and be co-opted, too, by Getúlio Vargas, Brazil’s nation-builder, who ruled for much of 1930 to 1954, by turns an autocrat and a democrat.
Fonte: How the “Cannibal Manifesto” changed Brazil (Updated Feb 20th 2022). In: www.economist.com/the-americas/2022/02/12/how-the-cannibal-manifesto-changed-brazil. Adaptado. Data de acesso: 20/08/2022.
No trecho do quarto parágrafo “That was important”, o termo “that” destacado em itálico sublinhado refere-se aResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Convenções: Considere o sistema de coordenadas cartesiano, a menos que haja indicação contrária.
ℕ = {1, 2, 3, ...} : denota o conjunto dos números naturais.
ℝ : denota o conjunto dos números reais.
ℂ : denota o conjunto dos números complexos.
i : denota a unidade imaginária, i² = −1.
Mₙ(ℝ) : denota o conjunto das matrizes n × n de entradas reais.
A̅B̅ : denota o segmento de reta de extremidades nos pontos A e B.
AB : denota a reta que passa pelos pontos A e B.
AÔB : denota o ângulo formado pelas semi-retas OA⃗ e OB⃗, com vértice no ponto O.
m(A̅B̅) : denota o comprimento do segmento A̅B̅.
det A : denota o determinante da matriz A.
Considere A ∈ M₃(ℝ) tal que existe um único número real x que satisfaz a equação det(∛2·x²A) + det(xA³) = det A². Então, x + det A éResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Convenções: Considere o sistema de coordenadas cartesiano, a menos que haja indicação contrária.
ℕ = {1, 2, 3, ...} : denota o conjunto dos números naturais.
ℝ : denota o conjunto dos números reais.
ℂ : denota o conjunto dos números complexos.
i : denota a unidade imaginária, i² = −1.
Mₙ(ℝ) : denota o conjunto das matrizes n × n de entradas reais.
A̅B̅ : denota o segmento de reta de extremidades nos pontos A e B.
AB : denota a reta que passa pelos pontos A e B.
AÔB : denota o ângulo formado pelas semi-retas OA⃗ e OB⃗, com vértice no ponto O.
m(A̅B̅) : denota o comprimento do segmento A̅B̅.
det A : denota o determinante da matriz A.
Sejam z ∈ ℂ e f(z) = z² + i. Para cada n ∈ ℕ, definimos f⁽¹⁾(z) = f(z) e f⁽ⁿ⁾(z) = f(f⁽ⁿ⁻¹⁾(z)). Então, f⁽²⁰²³⁾(0) éResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
I. Se P é um polígono convexo de n lados iguais, então P é um polígono regular.
II. Seja P um polígono convexo de 6 lados. Se seus ângulos internos, listados em ordem crescente, formam uma progressão aritmética, então a soma do menor e do maior ângulo interno de P é 240°.
III. Existe um polígono convexo de 100 lados cujos ângulos internos, listados em ordem crescente, formam uma progressão aritmética de razão r = 1°.
É (são) sempre verdadeira(s):Resolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
H = n/(1/a₁ + 1/a₂ + ... + 1/aₙ).
Sabendo que o polinômio p(x) = 30x³ − 113x² + 108x − 30 possui três raízes reais positivas, a média harmônica das raízes de p(x) éResolução comentada
Análise das alternativas
Leia atentamente os versos destacados de “Cantiga de enganar”, de Carlos Drummond de Andrade. Em seguida, assinale a alternativa correta.
Acerca de Os ratos, de Dyonélio Machado, é correto afirmar que
Assinale a alternativa que apresenta a afirmação correta acerca de Contos novos, de Mário de Andrade.
Assinale a alternativa que complementa corretamente a seguinte afirmação: “Os poemas da seção ‘NA PRAÇA DE CONVITES’, da Antologia Poética, de Carlos Drummond de Andrade, tematizam o cotidiano...
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Considere as afirmações:
A média harmônica de n números reais positivos a₁, a₂, ..., aₙ é